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Thursday, April 30, 2015

Kitabu cha Profesa Chachage Kimetoka

Hatimaye kitabu cha Profesa Seithy L. Chachage kuhusu 'Uchambuzi wa Sera, Uongozi na Maslahi ya Watanzania' kimetoka. Ni mkusanyiko wa makala na mada mbalimbali alizoziandika kwa lugha yetu ya Kiswahili

Kitabu kinapatikana Mkahawa wa Vitabu Soma (Soma Book Cafe) kwa Tsh. 24,000. Wanazuoni mliopo karibu na maeneo ya Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam - i.e. Savei, Sinza Mpakani, Mlimani City n.k. -  mnaohitaji kufikishiwa kitabu hicho mahali mlipo kwa gharama ya Tsh 25,000 tu wawasiliane moja kwa moja na chambi78@yahoo.com.

Saturday, April 25, 2015

Nafasi ya Vijana Katika Kudumisha Muungano


Friday, April 24, 2015

Public Debate on Oil and Gas in Tanzania


Tutaishije bila Falsafa Mpya ya Kifo?

Tutaishije bila Falsafa Mpya ya Kifo?

(*Buriani Esther Lameck Mwamukonda*)

Chambi Chachage

Ninaogopa kufa. Kifo kweli hakina huruma! Lakini mbona kinaonekana kana kwamba kina upendeleo wa wazi kabisa?

Kifo kimeuandama mtaa niliokulia. Nikiutazama uwanja wetu wa mpira wa utotoni pale Ubungo Flats ninamwona golikipa mahiri Angelo, mshambuliaji hatari Abdallah na kiungo mshereheshaji Juma. Wote hawa wametutoka katika kipindi cha hii miaka mitatu.

Wote walikuwa hata hawajitimiza miaka 40. Bado walikuwa vijana. Pia uwanjani namwona Bugwema aliyekuwa mmoja wa vinara wetu darasani. Namwona na Masanja aliyekuwa mjasiriamali toka akiwa shuleni. Hali kadhalika namwona Eric aliyekuwa na kipaji cha ufurahishaji toka utotoni. Hao nao wametutoka hivi karibuni. Wengine 7 niwakumbukao walitangulia zamani. Jumla: Watu 13. 

Inakuwaje katika nchi ambayo tunaambiwa na wanatakwimu kwamba kwa wastani tunategemewa kuishi zaidi ya miaka 40 mtaa mmoja upoteze watu wote hao uliowakuza mapema hivyo ili walitumikie taifa wanapokuwa wakubwa. Wanasiasa wa aina mpya wanatusisitizia kwamba sisi ni Taifa la vijana sasa inakuwaja shule moja iliyowapa msingi ipoteze vijana wabichi wote hao na zaidi?

Je, Mungu ndiye ametaka iwe hivyo? Kama anajua nani atakufa lini, je, ndiye anapanga nani afe lini? Ndiye anaamua watu wa mtaa au kijiji fulani wafe zaidi? Ama ndiye huamua vifo vya ajali za mabasi vitokee zaidi nchi fulani? Wapi alisema kwamba wakati wa kujifungua mama wajawazito na watoto wachanga wafe zaidi katika bara fulani? Ndiko kutimizwa kwa mapenzi yake huko?

Gautama Siddartha (Buddha) aliyekuwa mwanafalsafa maarufu huko barani Asia (inasemekana) aliwahi kumpa funzo mtu mmoja aliyejiona kama yeye peke yake ndiye amefiwa. Alimwambia aende katika kila nyumba ambayo haijawahi kufiwa na kuomba kitu kama mchicha hivi ambacho hupatikana katika kila kaya. Hakufanikiwa kukipata na hivyo akajifunza kwamba kumbe kifo hutugusa sote.

Vivyo hivyo nasi tunapaswa kujifunza kwamba japo kifo huwajia watu wote, hiyo haimaanishi tubweteke tu na kutofanya jitihada za makusudi kabisa za kupunguza na kuzuia vifo hasa pale inapokuwa ndani ya uwezo wetu kama wanadamu. Mbona wenzetu wengi wameweza? Kama ushindi dhidi ya kifo ulishaanzishwa kwa nini tusubiri tu siku ya kuimba “Uko wapi Ewe mauti uchungu wako?”

Mwanafasihi na ‘Mwanafalsafa’ Ngugi wa Thiong’o analalama kwa huzuni kuu kwamba thamani ya maisha ya Mwafrika duniani ‘imedogoshwa’ ukilinganisha na ya wengine. Vifo vitokanavyo na mashambulizi ya Ki-Xenophobia huko Afrika Kusini, kuzama kwa wahamiaji huko Afrika Kaskazini, vita vya kigaidi huko Afrika Magharibi pamoja na kupigwa risasi huko kwenye Diaspora ya Afrika ni ushahidi tosha kwamba hakika kufa ‘kunaafrikishwa.’
 Cha kusikitisha mno na kuusononesha moyo ni kwamba Watanzania tunaenda mbali zaidi, sasa ‘tunatanzanisha’ kifo. Ni kama vile tunataka kuionesha dunia kwamba kufa ni kawaida zaidi hapa kwetu kiasi cha kwamba leo kuna aina ya vifo vinapatikana Tanzania tu kama ilivyo Tanzanite. Hivi albino wa Tasmania au Tajikstan akiaambiwa aje ‘kuishi’ hapa Tanzania atakubali kweli?
 Yule Mwanahabari na ‘Mwanafalsafa’ Ayub Rioba aliwahi kujaribu kuchambua baadhi ya misemo na methali zetu ambazo alisisitiza zinahitajika kuangaliwa upya kwa kuwa zinajenga falsafa zinazoathiri maendeleo yetu kama jamii. Pengine sasa ni muhimu tuanze kuziangalia kwa kina zile ambazo zinaongelea kifo maana labda zinachangia kwa kiasi kikubwa sana ‘kukikawaidisha’ kifo.

Tuanze kwanza na hili la ‘kufa kufaana’ na ‘kifo cha wengi harusi.’  Maana ya ndani ambayo imelengwa inaonekana ina mantiki nzuri sana ambayo, kitafsida, wala haizungumzii kifo kama kifo. Lakini ukiitazama maana ya nje unakuta inajenga falsafa ya kwamba kifo kinaweza kutufaa na hasa kifo kinapokuwa kimetamalaki. Na kwa kawaida falsafa ya maisha ndiyo hutuongoza kivitendo maishani.

Lakini tunapokufa wengi kwenye ajali za mabasi hayo ni matanga, siyo harusi. Na tunapowaua ndugu zetu albino na ajuza hatuwafai, hivyo, hatufaani nao. Kufa kutofaana. Kifo cha wengi matanga.
Halafu kuna ‘hujafa hujaumbika.’ Mama mjamzito anapopoteza himila kwenye tumbo la uzazi hospitalini au mimba changa kabisa inapotolewa ni kweli mtoto anakuwa bado hajaumbika kikamilifu. Kilicho muhimu ni kuhakikisha kwamba tunazuia upotezaji holela wa maisha wakati mgumu wa ujauzito na ajali zingine ili tusiwe na kisingizio/sababu ya kutumia falsafa hiyo kujifariji na kuwafariji waliokumbwa na majanga. Maafa mengi tunayaumba wenyewe.

Je, kweli ‘kufa ni wajibu’? Ni wajibu wangu kufa kwa malaria au ni wajibu wangu ‘kuwaua’ hawa mbu wengi wanaoning’ata ninapoandika haya na kununua chandarua hasa chenye dawa? Hivi ni wajibu wangu kufa tu kwa UKIMWI ama ni wajibu wangu kujikinga na maambukizi ya VVU au kutumia dawa za kurefusha maisha na kuhakikisha napata matibabu ya magonjwa nyemelezi?

Sam Cooke aliwahi kuimba wimbo wenye maneno haya ya simanzi: “Nimechoka kuishi lakini naogopa kufa.” Kuna wakati tunachoka kabisa kuishi kutoka na sababu mbalimbali zinazoyafanya maisha (matamu) yawe machungu – umaskini/ufukara, maradhi/magonjwa na kadhalika. Lakini kwa kawaida binadamu anaogopa sana kufa. Dwight Nelson yeye anasisitiza kwamba mbinu ya kukabiliana na kifo chako bila hofu na kwa kukiongelea kijasiri kabla hakijatokea.

Remmy Ongala, yule Mwanamziki na ‘Mwanafalsafa’, naye aliwahi kuimba wimbo maarufu wenye falsafa yake tata ya kifo. Unasema “Kifo hakina huruma.” Mtenda(ji) ni kifo na mtendwa(ji) ni mtu. Mama Mjamzito anakufa mtoto akiwa tumboni, wimbo unakilaumu kitendo cha kifo na siyo kitu ambacho mtu huyu, huyo ama yule alikifanya au kutokifanya na hivyo kusababisha kifo.
 Alichosahau Remmy au ambacho hakukiona wakati ule ni kwamba wale waliojiandaa kukabiliana nacho hawaishi tu kwa kutegemea rehema/huruma ya kifo na kuinungunikia kudra ya Mungu. Kama jamii wao hupunguza kasi ya kufa na wengine hufanikiwa kabisa kutokomeza vifo vinavyozuilika. Na ndiyo maana kuna nchi ambazo zimefanikiwa kutokomeza magonjwa kama malaria. 

Ongezeko la jitihada za kulinda maisha ni moja ya sababu kuu ya kwa nini takwimu zinaonesha kwamba kiujumla kuna nchi/jamii zinaishi maisha marefu kuliko zingine. Kwa mfano, huko Marekani tafiti zinaonesha kwamba, kwa wastani, Waadventista Wasabato (wengi) huishi muda mrefu zaidi kutokana na kuzingatia kanuni jumuishi za kutunza afya. Kanuni hiyo imejikita kwenye neno NEWSTART lenye maana ya ‘Mwanzo Mpya’, ambapo kila herufi inawakilisha hitaji fulani ambalo mtu anatakiwa ahakikishe analipata vya kutosha kiuwiano, yaani Nutrition (Lishe), Exercise (Mazoezi), Water (Maji), Sunshine (Mwangaza), Temperance (Kiasi), Air (Hewa), Rest (Mapumziko) na Trust (Imani).

Uchambuzi wa matabaka/madaraja pia unahitajika tunapotafuta falsafa ya kukabiliana na kifo. Sidhani kwamba ni jambo la kawaida tu kwa mtaa wa Ubungo Flats katika Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam kupoteza vijana wake 13+ ilhali kuna mitaa mingine katika Chuo hicho haijapoteza hata mmoja. Haijatokea tu kibahati bahati, inaonekana kuna sayansi fulani au siri ya kitabaka/kidaraja.

Daraja/Tabaka na tofauti zake ilikuwa ni moja ya misingi mikuu katika ubunifu na ujenzi wa Chuo Kikuu hicho. Na kama kuna mtaa ambao ulidhihirisha hilo ulikuwa ni Ubungo Flats. Wakati tunakua mitaa ya Kileleni na Kilimahewa ndiyo ilikuwa ‘Oysterbay’ na ‘Masaki’ ya chuoni ikifuatiwa na mitaa mingine kama Koroshoni, Darajani, Lamboni, Miembeni na Ng’ambo.
 Zamani zile Ubungo Flats ndiyo kwa kiasi kikubwa ilikuwa imekusanya matabaka yote makuu ya Chuo Kikuu. Jengo la mapolisi halikuwa lilivyo sasa – lilikuwa linaongoza kwa kubanana na uchafu, huku ikisemekana familia mbili tofauti zilikuwa zinaishi kwenye nyumba ndogo ya vyumba viwili. Pia kulikuwa na majengo ya wafanyakazi wa kawaida na upande mwingine kulikuwa na majengo ya wahadhiri ambao wengi wao walikuwa kwenye michakato ya kuomba wahamishiwe mitaa ya ‘uzunguni’/‘unaizesheni’ ya humo chuoni Mlimani.

Baada ya miaka mingi jirani yangu wa utotoni aliniambia kila jioni taa zikiwashwa walikuwa wanaangalia upande majengo yetu yalipo na kutuona sisi ndiyo tumefanikiwa sana na kutamani kuhamia kwetu na kuwa kama sisi. Nasi tulikuwa tunatamani kuhamia walipokuwa wanaishi zaidi vingunge wa chuo na wahadhiri wageni kutoka nje ya nchi. Jirani yangu huyo yeye alifanikiwa kuhama.

Pamoja na hayo Ubungo Flats ya enzi hizo za miaka ya 80 haikupoteza watoto wake wengi kama ilivyowapoteza sasa baada ya kuwakuza. Msiba mkubwa wa kwanza wakati huo ulikuwa wa mdogo wangu, Atuhalile, aliyeumwa Degedege na kupoteza maisha njiani wakati jirani yetu Dokta Minja anajitahidi kadri ya uwezo wake wote kumwahisha hospitalini Muhimbili baada ya jitihada zingine kushindikana. Ilikuwa siku ya majuto na majonzi mtaani.

Enzi hizo kifo hakikuonekana ni kitu cha kawaida. Hata utamaduni wa kuomboleza misibani unaonekana ulikuwa tofauti na wa siku hizi. Majuzi Bibi yangu, Mkunde, alikubaliana na hoja tete kwamba zama hizi misiba mingi mijini imekuwa ni kama sherehe – ni kana kwamba sasa tumekizoea kifo kwa kuwa kipo karibu mno; kinatokea kila kukicha hapa, hapo, pale na si kule tu. Kama hili ni kweli, je, linatokea kwa sababu falsafa yetu ya kifo imebadilika?

Falsafa yetu ya kifo ni ya kusubiri tu siku zetu za kufa kwa kuwa eti zimeshapangwa/zimeshaandikwa kabla hatujazaliwa? Au ni ya kuzuia vifo vinavyozuilika? Hata misahau si inasema kwa nini tufe kabla ya siku zetu? Si inasema tunaweza kuongeza siku za kuishi?

Thursday, April 23, 2015

Onyesho la Kivuko Makumbusho ya Taifa


Congratulations 'Gongali Model' Innovator!

"A TANZANIAN engineer is among four finalists for the African Prize for Engineering Innovation, which is sponsored and run by the British Royal Academy of Engineering. A statement sent to the ‘Daily News’ from South Africa noted that Dr Askwar Hilonga, a lecturer at Nelson Mandela African Institute of Science and Technology based in Arusha had presented a low-cost sustainable water filtration system.  Other shortlisted finalists are from Kenya (Samuel Wangui and his team who presented a SIM-card swapping service); Zambia (Musenga Silwawa and his team with spot fertiliser applicator) and South Africa (Ernest Pretoius with a fencemounted security system)" - http://www.m.dailynews.co.tz/index.php/local-news/44011-local-boy-makes-it-to-regional-engineering-prize-finals

Wednesday, April 22, 2015

Why Arusha and Kilimanjaro Regions?

Why Arusha and Kilimanjaro let alone Dar es Salaam?

Chambi Chachage

Regional development continues to preoccupy the new breed of Tanzanian politicians. It appears in a recent book on January Makamba’s answers. A new book on Zitto Kabwe’s key speeches/articles and his online debates addresses it. So does Hamisi Kigwangalla’s new book.

What I find perplexing is the ongoing politicization of statistics. It is one thing to present statistics on unequal regional development and quite another to politicize them. The latter is so problematic in the context of Regionalism and Factionalism in Multiparty Politics.

The recently launched Tanzania Human Development Report 2014 has come up with statistics that are prone to such politicization. Before we delve into what politicians and their supporters and detractors are saying let us dwell on what the report says. We focus on two regions – Arusha and Kilimanjaro – that are hotly debated in the social media.

After introducing UNDP’s Human Development Index (HDI), the report (THDR2014) states: “While most regions in Tanzania have HDI scores comparable to countries with low HDI scores, three regions – Arusha, Kilimanjaro, and Dar es Salaam – have HDI scores comparable to those countries with medium HDI levels.”  Mind you, Tanzania ranks 159 out of 187 countries hence classified as low human development country.

In other words, these three regions are Tanzania’s ‘outliers’ – they are ‘way beyond the national average’ as if they don’t belong to the country. The report even refers to them as the “most prosperous” and among the “five wealthiest” regions in Tanzania. On a general level i.e. what statisticians may say ‘on average’, the level of human development of the people living there is more or less as that of the people in Malaysia and Mauritius.

Being the melting pot of Tanzania’s ethnic groups from all 30 regions, Dar es Salaam is often let off the hook. It is Arusha and Kilimanjaro that are left in the hot seat. Why?

Numbers ‘don’t lie’, do they? The bone of contention comes from these figures in the THDR2014: Arusha and Kilimanjaro’s regional shares of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is 4.77% and 4.54% yet their HDI ranks are number 1 and 2, respectively. Note that the report defines the regional share of GDP as the “percentage contribution of a region to the total GDP (national GDP).” But it is also important to note that Arusha’s regional share of total tax is 4.33%, second to Dar es Salaam with its enormous 81.4%.

Economist-cum-Politician Zitto underscores that Arusha and Kilimanjaro are number 7 and 9, respectively, in their contribution to the national GDP even though they are among the three regions with more development. When queried about the regional shares of total tax, which THDR2014 defines as the “percentage contribution of a region to the total tax collected in the country”, he clarified that it is different from the regional share of GDP thus sustaining his query on why, relatively, Kilimanjaro contributes very little to Tanzania’s GDP while it is ranked number 2 in terms of the human development index of the people residing there.

Honest as all this might truly be, such queries, when not coupled with sustained historical and political analyses, are a fodder for ‘regionalism’ and ‘tribalism’. This is especially the case when they are uttered hastily and/or carelessly in political podiums and parochial platforms. It is also the case when they are reported  – in colorful documents –  out of their (historical) contexts.

For sure, and to his credit, Zitto has at least attempted to analyze why the numbers are the way they are, albeit cursorily, on his facebook. But a close examination of the debate in the social media, such as the one going on in the exclusive arena for Jamii Forum’s Great Thinkers, indicates that any lack of critical, in-depth analysis only adds to the confusion that can easily ferment parochialism especially when such a politician is on the record for publicizing a particular region and feeding the discourse of belonging to a certain region.

Zitto’s mentor, Seithy Chachage wrote a Masters’ dissertation on ‘The Development of Urban Capitalism in Tanzania (With an Example of Arusha Town)’ way back in 1983. This is what he had to say: “From the research, it was evident that the development of Arusha town is not simply a regional phenomenon, in the sense that it has been developed by the indigenous people of Arusha region; but part of a national phenomenon.”

Chachage thus continued his presentation: “This fact is clearly discernible from the nationality composition of the town population, whereby there is a numerical dominance of people from Kilimanjaro and the Central Tanzania regions.” These and other findings of his that are revisited herein are useful in the sense that they help us to understand the (historical) antecedents to what we are observing today when we look at all the dazzling THDR2014 statistics of how Arusha and Kilimanjaro are among the ‘big five’ in adult literacy, pass rates in primary education, income tax and the Gender Development Index (GDI).

Of course Chachage was focusing on Arusha town and Manyara region had not yet been formed. By 1998 the patterns in his observation had hardly changed as this profile from the Planning Commission and the Regional Commissioner’s Office indicates: “Arusha region shows a very high net inward movement of people of 141,724 second to that of Dar-es- Salaam region of 500,621 net migration. Such direction of movement indicates movement of people in search of new farming areas or employed jobs. Arusha town due to its large number of manufacturing establishments has tended to attract many people.”

My professor of Economics, Nathan Nunn, cautioned me about the importance of dividing any development index with its respective ‘historical population’ when I was so excited about comparing the role of the variation of regional development in reproducing elites in Tanzania. I think the population is one of the keys to understanding the comparative economic history of Arusha and Kilimanjaro and why the people there may not appear as contributing much to the national GDP relative to what they have and in comparison to other regions.

GDP “per Capita” is aptly defined in THDR2014 as “GDP divided by population” and it “represents the average resources available to each individual in the population.” In the case of Arusha, ranked number 3, it is Tsh 1,258,334. For Kilimanjaro, ranked number 5, it is Tsh 1,237,761. If read differently, it is the ‘economically active’ (aged somewhere between 14 and 65) among 1.69 million people in Arusha and 1.64 million people in Kilimanjaro who contributed to these GDP in their respective regions. In both cases, they are nearly half since they constitute about 55.1%, according to the report.

Doing such a reading enables one to see that the contribution of regional GDP to the national GDP is not simply about what region own natural resources such as mining and touring sites. In the disturbing case of a ‘poor’ country such as Tanzania that is not benefitting radically from its rich resources, the ‘wealth of the nation’ ought to be a ‘critical mass’ of the relatively healthy and well educated. Perhaps it is better to be happy about the apparent prosperity, that is, if it is indeed not exploitative and if it is surely releasing the ‘prosperous’ from being a ‘burden to the nation’ thus propelling development in other regions through a ‘trickle down effect’ as they move to, or work in, the relatively less wealthy areas.

Kilimanjaro and Arusha have been pulling ahead since colonial times not least due to many factors hence what we have been witnessing since 2001 in terms of the decline in their contribution to the national GDP is more about the decline in the sectors associated with natural resources that is not necessarily affecting negatively the strides and gains in the said prosperity/wealth that their dwellers (and descendants) have accumulated across time. It is also about some regions ‘catching up’ and our commercial capital outdoing its ‘colonial heydays’ when Hamza Mwapachu thus aptly complained in 1950: “Up to now it is everything in Dar es Salaam to the neglect and expense to the other centers in the territory.”

Visiting our country on the eve of independence, Kathleen Stahl had this to say in 1961 about the then Northern Province’s ‘heart’ of Kilimanjaro in her colonial(ist) memoir on Tanganyika: Sail in the Wilderness: “Chaggaland is a yardstick for other parts of Tanganyika. It represents the highest standard reached in economic prosperity, in local government, in social development.”

John Iliffe could not agree more in 1979 when he thus stated in his magnum opus on A Modern History of Tanganyika: “Regional disparity remained much more striking than social differentiation…Dr. von Clemm’s study of the Lyamungo area in Kilimanjaro in 1960-1 provides an illustration…Three homesteads in five had concrete houses…One object of competition was education, valued almost entirely in terms of money and power…Branches of the major banks existed on the mountainside…Western medicine was highly valued…Kilimanjaro was at one end of the spectrum of Tanganyika’s societies. Close to the other end was Buha [i.e. Kigoma]…[it] remained a labour reservoir…”

Understandably, Chachage thus followed suit in the 1983 dissertation cited above: “In essence, Moshi town [in Kilimanjaro region] was by 1960 much more developed commercially and industrially than Arusha town…The general expectation towards the end of the colonial period was that Moshi town would develop faster than Arusha town.”

Lest we forget, Chachage also made this poignant observation in regard to Arusha town ‘overtaking’ Moshi town: “In-migration in Arusha constituted little more than 1% per year to urban growth during the colonial period. However, from 1957 to 1967 rural-urban migration played a significant role in urbanisation…. While during colonial period it was the Wairangi and other nationalities from the central regions who constituted the biggest percentage, after independence the trend changed to the extent that Wachagga constitute the biggest single nationality in town.” That was back in the days when our National Census had ethnicity as a component.

Questioning tribalism and racism by way of disclaimer in his dissertation, Chachage nevertheless thus continues with the analysis of those ‘regional dynamics’: “The dominance of the people from Kilimanjaro in Arusha town is an expression of the fact that with the removal of the fetter imposed by colonialism, both capitalists and the landless peasants who had emerged in the more capitalistically developed areas such as Kilimanjaro were able to move to urban areas. In Kilimanjaro, the capitalists sought to expand their enterprises, which were constrained by the limitations in land ownership in the areas and the landless moved to the urban areas to seek for wage employment. Arusha town, more than Moshi offered the possibility of expansion because most land was owned by foreigners who were already moving out, as opposed to Moshi; whereby the expansion of the town itself entailed some form of land alienation due to the population pressure.”

Yet, now in 2015, Zitto is telling us that Kilimanjaro, and particularly Moshi, is being exploited by Arusha especially in tourism. But it is our failure – as a nation, not a region – to capitalize on this sector and related ones during our ‘divorce’ with nationalization and ‘honeymoon’ with privatization that partly explains why Arusha’s contribution to the national GDP does not reflect the prosperity of its people as captured in its regional GDP. In 2005 Chachage and Usu Mallya made the following apt observation in their paper on ‘Tourism and Development in Tanzania: Myths and Realities’ that portrays this demise:

“The set up and the links that exist between ‘local’ tour operators and foreign ones; and the fact that vertical integration in the industry, to the extent that even Euro Car and other European ground transport companies are well established in the country, makes one conclude that between 75 and 90 percent of money paid for a holiday in Tanzania is either paid in the country of origin of the tourists or leaks out of the country. The major hotels, that have their own ground transport to cater for their clients, work to marginalize the local transport and tour operators. Moreover, as much as 50 to 70 percent of the earnings from hotels and tourism in general go to acquiring imports of goods that the sector demands—mostly exotic imports. The dominant position of the foreign operators means that profits are ploughed back home, leaving very little revenue in the destination country. Package tourism is quite notorious for funneling away tourism revenues... tourists pay for the whole vacation in their home countries bringing only pocket money to buy souvenirs and incidentals.... The country is not only losing money in terms of foreign exchange and leakages, but also in terms the amounts of money it has been compelled to use from taxes and loans for privatization of facilities, sustenance of incentives for investors and creation of infrastructure to service tourism....”

Probably they were anticipating this pertinent observation that the journalist Annastazia Freddy made in 2013 when another report came up with statistics on which region contributes more to the national GDP: “One of the reasons for the low rank of Arusha in the economy of the country could be because most tour companies are foreign or Dar es Salaam-based, which means that most of the money tourists pay for accommodation and travel remains outside Arusha. “Many tour companies are foreign-owned. In fact this also raises the question of how the country benefits from the tourist attractions found in the country if most of the money paid remains outside the country,” a worker at a Dar es Salam-based travel agency, who requested for anonymity, told The Citizen yesterday.”

Statistics are not simply collections of facts. They are both objective and subjective. No wonder Chachage wrote a critique on ‘using statistics to trick the masses’ that appears in his recently published eponymous book. We should all be wary of the politics of (regional) numbers.

Xenophobia is fanning regionalism in Africa. Yes, let us restructure/transform our economy. Carefully.

Women Leading Education Innovation in Africa


Tuesday, April 21, 2015

Art Exhibition at the University of Dar es Salaam


Friday, April 17, 2015

Laivu:Mjadala wa Sheria za Takwimu na Mtandao


Thursday, April 16, 2015

Epusha Ajali - Okoa Maisha!


Mjadala wa Athari za Sheria Mpya


Wednesday, April 15, 2015

Fuata Dira ya Mwalimu Nyerere Mitandaoni


Dira ya Mwalimu Nyerere - 2

Tuesday, April 14, 2015

Book Launch:The World of Women-Tanzania


Monday, April 13, 2015

Dira ya Mwalimu Nyerere - 1

Sunday, April 12, 2015

Barazani with Marema


Saturday, April 11, 2015

Nini Maana ya Dhana ya Chama Dola?

Nini Maana ya Dhana ya Chama Dola?

Chambi Chachage

Nimeshtushwa na tafsiri ya Profesa Kitila Mkumbo kuhusu dhana ya chama dola. Katika makala yake ya Nini maana ya dhana ya kiongozi wa chama cha ACT? anadai kwamba sababu ya msingi ya kuwa na mfumo huo wa uongozi wa chama tofauti na ule wa kuwa tu na Mwenyekiti ni kuepuka kutengeneza chama dola. Lakini chama dola ni nini hasa?

Profesa Mkumbo anatoa mfano huu: “CCM ni chama dola kwa maana kwamba kimejipenyeza serikalini kutokana na muundo wake ambapo mwenyekiti wake ndiyo huyo huyo anakuwa kiongozi wa serikali. Huyu akimaliza kuendesha vikao vya Baraza la Mawaziri anahamia kuendesha vikao vya chama. Ni kwa sababu hii chama kinakuwa hakina uwezo wala mamlaka ya kuhoji utendaji wa serikali yake. 
Matokeo ya muundo huo ndio yanayomfanya sasa Katibu Mkuu wa CCM kufanya kazi ya vyama vya upinzani ya kulalamika na kuikemea serikali yake barabarani kwa sababu anajua kwamba hawezi kuwa na nafasi hiyo ndani ya vikao vya chama kwa sababu huko serikali ndiyo inayoendesha chama.”

Kwa maana nyingine, anachosema ni kwamba sasa hatupo kwenye enzi za Mwalimu Nyerere za ‘chama kushika hatamu’ bali za ‘serikali kushika hatamu.’ Ila kama hivyo ndivyo, basi tulicho nacho siyo ‘chama dola’ bali ni ‘dola chama’.  Na kwa mantiki hiyo anaposema kwamba mfumo “wa chama dola ni hatari kwa demokrasia kwa sababu hulazimisha watumishi wa umma kufanya kazi ya chama tawala badala ya kutumikia serikali kwa mujibu wa taaluma zao,” Profesa Mkumbo anaonekana kujikanganya maana hiyo hali hutokea pale ambapo viongozi wa chama wanakuwa na sauti kubwa kuliko watumishi wa serikali, yaani, hali ya chama kushikilia dola/serikali na si dola/serikali kushikilia chama.

Utata huu kitafsiri unajitokeza na kueleweka zaidi kwenye mfano huu anaoutoa Profesa Mkumbo: “Kwa hiyo, msingi wa kuwa na mfumo wa uongozi wa chama sambamba na uenyekiti ni kuondoa udola katika chama cha siasa. Mfumo huu unatoa nafasi kwa chama kuweza kuhoji na kusimamia utendaji wa serikali yake bila chenyewe kujigeuza kuwa serikali. Hiki ndicho kilichofanyika Afrika Kusini ambapo baada ya kuona Rais Thabo Mbeki ameshindwa kusimamia sera za ANC katika serikali chama kiliamua kumuweka pembeni na hatimaye kumchagua Jacob Zuma kuwa Kiongozi wa Chama na baadaye Rais wa Afrika Kusini. Jambo hili lisingewezekana katika mfumo wa chama dola.”

Lakini hicho kilichotokea Afrika Kusini kilikuwa ni kitendo cha chama tawala, ANC, kujimilikisha dola/serikali kwa ‘kumwita’ na kumtoa/kumjiuzulisha Rais aliyechaguliwa na raia/wananchi wote, yaani wakiwamo hata wale ambao siyo wanachama wa ANC, na kuwawekea Rais wa muda, Kgalema Motlanthe, ili baadaye wamsimamishe Jacob Zuma kwenye Uchaguzi Mkuu ili awe Rais. Inasemekana hata wangetaka wangemweka tu Zuma badala ya Motlanthe. Huo si ndiyo mfumo wa chama dola, yaani, mfumo ambao chama tawala kiko juu ya serikali ya nchi eti kwa kuwa chenyewe ndiyo kimeiunda serikali baada ya kushinda uchaguzi?

Walichofanya ANC si ni sawa tu na CCM iamue kumtoa Rais Jakaya Kikwete leo na kumweka  Philip Mangula awe Rais wa Muda wa Nchi bila hata ya kupigiwa kura na wananchi ili baadaye Edward Lowassa agombee Urais huo? Kuna udola wa chama zaidi ya huo? Si ndiyo maana vyama vya upinzani huko Afrika Kusini havitaki kabisa ANC iwe inapata ushindi wa theluthi mbili wakati wa Uchaguzi Mkuu ili kisisimike zaidi huo uchama dola wao?

Je, historia ya jinsi ANC ilivyoanzisha nafasi ya Mwenyekiti wa Taifa wa Chama inatudhihirishia pia kwamba nia hasa ilikuwa ni kuondoa mfumo wa uongozi wa vyama vya siasa kuwa wa kidola? Baada ya Nelson Mandela kutoka jela aliyekuwa Rais wa ANC, Oliver Tambo, alitengenezewa hicho cheo cha Mwenyekiti mwaka 1991 ili kumpisha Urais Mandela. Hiko cheo ‘kilichomekwa’ tu na ikabidi waendelee nacho tu baada ya Tambo kufariki dunia.

Wakuu wa chama waliendelea, kimamlaka, kuwa Rais wa Chama na Makamu wa Rais wa Chama. Mamlaka yao yameelezewa vizuri katika tofuti rasmi ya ANC. Rais wa Chama ndiye “mkuu wa kisiasa na afisa mkuu mtendaji wa ANC na mkuu wa ‘ukumbi’ wakati wa Mkutano Mkuu.” Pia chini ya usimamizi wa jumla wa Kamati Kuu ya Chama, “ndiye  anayeongoza na kuelekeza kazi zote za ANC.” Msaidizi wake ni huyo Makamu wa Rais.

Mwenyekiti wa Chama cha ANC kazi yake kuu inakuwa ni kuwapunguzia mzigo wa majukumu (siyo wa mamlaka/madaraka) hao Marais wa Chama kwa kusimamia/kuendesha shughuli za Chama. Ndiyo maana Mwenyekiti wa Chama akiwa hayupo au akishindwa kutekeleza majukumu yake basi Rais wa Chama mwenyewe ndiye analazimika kutekeleza majukumu hayo.

Inaonekana huu ndiyo aina ya mfumo ambao Profesa Mkumbo anauongelea kwa kujiamini anaposema hivi: “Siku ACT-Wazalendo ikichaguliwa na kuunda serikali jukumu la Kiongozi wa Chama litakuwa ni kusimamia uendeshaji wa serikali na kuhakikisha kwamba serikali inatekeleza sera za chama kikamilifu na atatoa taarifa ya utekelezaji wa sera katika vikao vya chama vitakavyoendeshwa na Mwenyekiti wa chama.” Akishatoa hiyo taarifa chama kikaikataa si ndiyo ataitwa na kutolewa kama Mbeki? Huko ni kuwajibika kwa chama tawala kilichoshikilia dola au kwa wapiga kura wote waliomchagua awe mkuu wa dola/serikali hiyo?

Au hatatolewa kama Mbeki kwa kuwa kwa namna fulani muundo huo umehakikisha kwamba daima Kiongozi wa Chama atakuwa na nguvu, nuru, madaraka na mvuto mkubwa zaidi kuliko Mwenyekiti wa Chama? Si ni Profesa Mkumbo mwenyewe anayetujulisha hivi: “Kwa hiyo, pamoja na kwamba kimuundo Kiongozi wa Chama ndiye mwenye mamlaka zaidi ya kiuongozi ndani ya ACT-Wazalendo, mgawanyo wa nafasi mbili za Kiongozi wa Chama na Mwenyekiti ni wa kimajukumu zaidi kuliko kimamlaka”?

Kama ana mamlaka zaidi si ina maana akiwa Rais atakuwa amevaa kofia mbili pia – ya mamlaka zaidi katika serikali na mamlaka zaidi katika chama? Sasa atakuwa na tofauti gani na yule aliyevaa hivyo enzi zile za chama kimoja kushika hatamu (za dola)?

Yote hayo hayamzuii Profesa Mkumbo kutoa hitimisho hili: “Tunaamini kwamba kwa kuwa na mfumo wa uongozi huu ni hatua muhimu ya kujenga chama cha siasa kisicho chama dola.” Waumini wanaamini hivyo. Labda Uongozi, kama ulivyo Ujamaa, ni imani.

Heri yao waaminio. Ole wao wasioamini. Imani bila matendo hufa. 

Karibu kwenye ulingo wa kutafakari kuhusu tunapotoka,tulipo,tuendako na namna ambavyo tutafika huko tuendako/Welcome to a platform for reflecting on where we are coming from, where we are, where we are going and how we will get there

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