Friday, July 29, 2011
Wednesday, July 27, 2011
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 3:11 PM
Tuesday, July 26, 2011
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 8:32 PM
Monday, July 25, 2011
INVITATION TO AN ENANGA PERFORMANCE AND DISCUSSION
Two enanga performers from Kagera Region who are currently in Dar es Salaam attending the international Ethnomusicology Symposium at the University of Dar es Salaam have kindly agreed to stage a live performance for fans and patrons at the Soma Book Café on Tuesday, 26/7/2011, from 6:00 to 8:30 p.m. All interested individuals and groups are kindly invited. There will be no entrance fee, but patrons may make small voluntary donations to the bards in appreciation of their work. Performances will be interspersed with discussions on the enanga tradition and other Kagera and Tanzanian music traditions.
The discussions will be coordinated by the distinguished enanga scholar, Prof. M.M. Mulokozi.
As usual drinks and other refreshments will be on sale at the Café counter and the bookshop will be open. Kindly help make the occasion a highly sociable, educational and enjoyable event by your attendance.
NOTE Enanga is a musical instrument – a trough zither used in the Lake Region and elsewhere in epic and song performance. The term also denoted such performances.
MWALIKO WA KUHUDHURIA MAONYESHO NA MAJADILANO YA SANAA YA ENANGA Wasanii wawili wa muziki wa nanga kutoka Mkoa wa Kagera ambao wako Dar s Salaam kuhudhuria Kongamano la Muziki wa Asili linalofanyika katika Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam watafanya maonyesho ya muziki wao siku ya Jumanne, tarehe 26/7/2011, kuanzia saa 12 jioni hadi saa 2:30 katika viunga vya Mkahawa wa Vitabu, Soma, Regent Estate Na 53, Dar es Salaam. Vikundi na watu binafsi wanakaribishwa kushiriki. Utendaji wa nanga utaambatana na majadiliano na maelezo kuhusu muziki wa asili wa Kagera na Tanzania kwa jumla. Hapatakuwa na kiingilio ila wateja wana hiari ya kuwatunza wasanii hao wakati wa utendaji. Majadiliano yataratibiwa na mwanazuoni mashuhuri wa enanga, Prof. M.M. Mulokozi.
Kama kawaida, vinywaji na viburudisho anuwai vitauzwa Mkahawani na duka la vitabu litakuwa wazi.
MUHIMU Enanga ni ala ya muziki inayotumika katika Ukanda wa Ziwa na kwingineko wakati wa kuimba tendi na fani nyingine za nyimbo. Wimbo unaoimbwa kwa kutumia ala hiyo vilevile huweza kuitwa enanga.
E&D Readership and Development Agency—Soma Contacts: firstname.lastname@example.org P.O. Box 4460 Dar es Salaam Tel: 022 2772759 Location: Mlingotini Close, Plot No 53 Regent Street, Regent Estate
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 4:27 PM
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 1:07 AM
Sunday, July 24, 2011
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 7:49 AM
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 4:00 AM
Friday, July 22, 2011
"...President Mutharika embodies the contradictions of Malawi's political system and the crassness of Malawi's political class. Like so many other so-called ‘peaceful' African states, such as Senegal, the country has yet to make a generational transition in its top leadership. Thus, while many sectors are dominated by the post-independence generation, the president is an octogenarian autocratic who should have long retired from public life as he clearly is out of tune with the aspirations of his relatively young nation. President Mutharika, 77, belongs to the nationalist generation that brought the "first independence" while the vast majority of the population was born after 1964 indeed 45% of the country's 15.2 million people are below the age of 15. To them the president's nationalist anxieties and preoccupations with colonialism and admonition of Britain, the former colonial power, whose ambassador was expelled from Malawi several months ago for referring to him in a leaked embassy cable as "ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism", are outdated and irrelevant. Added to this is the president's apparent megalomania evident in his love for titles including unearned academic titles. For someone who never received a PhD from an accredited institution and never taught at a university he insists on being called His Excellence Ngwazi Dr. Professor Bingu wa Mutharika. He fancies himself an economist and mister-know-it-all. He has removed competent people from key economic ministries and institutions. He increasingly bases economic policy on his misguided understanding of Malawian, let alone African, economic and political history as is clear from his ill-written 700 page book, The African Dream: From Poverty to Posterity, published by his daughter and launched to great fanfare earlier this year..." - Paul Zeleza
"...President Mutharika embodies the contradictions of Malawi's political system and the crassness of Malawi's political class. Like so many other so-called ‘peaceful' African states, such as Senegal, the country has yet to make a generational transition in its top leadership. Thus, while many sectors are dominated by the post-independence generation, the president is an octogenarian autocratic who should have long retired from public life as he clearly is out of tune with the aspirations of his relatively young nation. President Mutharika, 77, belongs to the nationalist generation that brought the "first independence" while the vast majority of the population was born after 1964 indeed 45% of the country's 15.2 million people are below the age of 15. To them the president's nationalist anxieties and preoccupations with colonialism and admonition of Britain, the former colonial power, whose ambassador was expelled from Malawi several months ago for referring to him in a leaked embassy cable as "ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism", are outdated and irrelevant. Added to this is the president's apparent megalomania evident in his love for titles including unearned academic titles. For someone who never received a PhD from an accredited institution and never taught at a university he insists on being called His Excellence Ngwazi Dr. Professor Bingu wa Mutharika. He fancies himself an economist and mister-know-it-all. He has removed competent people from key economic ministries and institutions. He increasingly bases economic policy on his misguided understanding of Malawian, let alone African, economic and political history as is clear from his ill-written 700 page book, The African Dream: From Poverty to Posterity, published by his daughter and launched to great fanfare earlier this year..."
- Paul Zeleza
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 5:35 PM
We can blame the current and past leadership forever. Yet this may not change anything. If your mother and father did not care for you when you were very young, under 15, they are to blame. But after you are 18 or twenty, they are no longer to blame for your fate, even if they never fed you or took you to school. You can rise up, and even become a professor. And if you chose to live a miserable live, they are no longer to blame, but you. That is what I believe.
Just the way we expect too much from our parents, it is the same way we expect too much from our leaders. We have been conditioned to look at the government as almost equal to the power of providence. For every problem, we want the government to solve it. I am not saying that we should not hold our governments to account, we should, but also actively seek solutions.
For example, the power crisis in Tanzania, all of Wanazuoni members, who are mostly Tanzanians, it should be a wonderful chance to make a difference. Take aside all anger ( I know it is not easy) and see what should be done. Each one can think of a solution beyond TANESCO and the government. After all how many Tanzanians have access to power? Less than ten per cent (I stand to be corrected). So lack of power is affecting a significant portion of the populace, involved in production in one way or the other but the minority.
What needs to be done is to share ideas as much as possible on how to solve this problem, with or without direct involvement of the government..... and something will come out of it.
Here are my humble suggestions:
1) ------Lobby for the government to remove taxes on solar materials. I think it would be possible to produce or bring in solar roofing materials at very minimal cost – Tsh 10-20 000 per sheet. If the civil society and all people of goodwill can join hands, and bring in a million solar sheets...... for such a cost every Mwanazuoni could buy for the folks back home a set to power their way to better life......
2) -------- Start smallholder local people owned “smart power generating plants”- as many as possible. There are many villages with excellent sites for power generation. I know of Mbaga Village in Southern Pare, some missionaries wanted to put up such a plant, TANESCO said no. By then it was a monopoly. Now it is not.
3) ---------The new plants should make use different sources for power generation – solar, biogas, wind, geothermal, gas, etc...
4) -------- Wanazuoni (and others) who are in Tanzania should join hands to identify business opportunities for putting up small power plants, and wanazuoni abroad will join hands in looking for finance. I am sure development partners will be happy to assist.
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 2:09 PM
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 2:58 AM
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 2:32 AM
Thursday, July 21, 2011
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 1:53 AM
Wednesday, July 20, 2011
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 1:49 PM
Friday, July 15, 2011
The following subsection is excerpted from Professor Mahmood Mamdani's Keynote Address to the East African Legislative Assembly Symposium, "A Decade of Service towards Political Federation," Arusha, 30th June 2011.
All origin stories are migration stories. Pre-modern peoples did not believe that any people were indigenous to a particular place. This is not just true of Africans. The biggest origin story, one shared by Abrahamic religions, is the story of Genesis in the Old Testament. It says the earth was empty before its settlement by peoples we know – all were migrants who came to the land after the Biblical flood. All humanity was native to heaven. Only after the fall did humans come to possess guardianship of the earth.
The vision of a world populated by ‘indigenous’ peoples with ‘non-indigenous’ minorities is a distinctly modern and secular notion. In this part of the world, it is a distinctly colonial notion. The idea that each tribe has a tribal homeland, that each tribe rightfully belongs to its homeland, is native to its homeland, is a settler notion. It is the basis of the claim that tribes must stay put in their homelands and that the world outside the homelands belongs to settlers.
The real point is not that colonialism invented this fiction but that we have bought it. We consider it as part of African custom, rather than colonial custom. Let me give you one example of how this notion has become central to our political lives.
Nigeria created a federation after the civil war of 1967-70. Key to the federation is a clause called ‘federal character’. It says that key federal institutions must have a ‘federal character’. What are these key institutions? They are three: the army, the civil service and federal universities. What does it mean to have federal character? It means their composition must reflect the composition of the federation. Recruitment in each institution must be on the basis of quotas for each state, where the quota reflects the relative weight of the state population in the Nigerian federation.
Now, here is the rub. To qualify for the quota of a state, you must be indigenous to the state. Who is indigenous to the state? To be indigenous you must be born in the state of a father also born in the same state.
The ethnic federation is today a major source of Nigeria’s problems. The market economy moves products and people, both rich and poor – on the one hand rich traders, industrialists, and professionals, on the other, jobless workers, landless peasants, itinerant hawkers. Those who move beyond state boundaries – and these are usually the most enterprising, whether rich or poor – are labeled non-indigenous and disenfranchised. With each passing year, more and more Nigerians are non-indigenous in the states where they live.
The ethnic federation is a major source of Nigeria’s contemporary political problems. Most internal conflicts in Nigeria are fights over who is indigenous and who is not. In the Middle Belt, fights over definition of indigenous revolve around two notions of indigenous. One group says you are indigenous if your family arrived before colonialism. The other says you are indigenous if your family was there before the Sokoto Caliphate. But both agree that if you came to the Middle Belt recently, meaning over the past hundred years, you should not have political rights – even if you are a Nigerian.
Here is the positive side of the picture. Not everyone in the independence leadership of East Africa accepted the colonial story of tribal homelands as African tradition.
The shining example is that of Mwalimu Nyerere and mainland Tanzania. Consider the following sobering proposition: East Africa is a region of genocide and ethnic cleansing. We associate Rwanda and Burundi with genocide; Zanzibar with the violence of the revolution; Uganda with that of expulsions, from that of Catholics from Mengo in 1900 to that of Muslims from West Nile after the fall of Idi Amin; Kenya with the violence in the Rift Valley.
The one exception is mainland Tanzania. It is the only part of the region where a group has not been persecuted collectively – as a racial or an ethnic group. Tanzania is the East African anti-dote to Nigeria. Mwalimu Nyerere’s contribution is identified with Ujamaa. But Mwalimu should really be remembered as a statesman who built a nation state. He took a colonial tribal federation and built a centralized state out of it.
Politically, colonial Tanganyika was no different from other colonies. It was a patchwork of tribal administrations. The colonial administration divided the population into so many tribes and races. Races were governed under civil law and each tribe under a separate customary law.
Nyerere’s great achievement was to create a single law and a single machinery of enforcement – both legal and administrative – so that every Tanzanian came to be governed by the same law, regardless of race or tribe.
Mwalimu created a rule of law. He created a national citizenship based on residence in a country where colonialism had left the legacy of defining every individual on the basis of a racial or tribal political identity based on origin.
There is another instructive example in the region, that of Uganda from the bush war of 1980-86. Early NRA learnt much from the legacy of Nyerere. When the NRA liberated a village in the Luwero Triangle, it created village councils and committees. The question arose: who can vote in these councils and committees and who can run for office?
The colonial tradition was that only those indigenous should have local rights. But this would have disenfranchised half the population, for roughly half were immigrants, either from Rwanda or from the North.
The NRA’s response was: whoever lives in the village has a right to participate in the decision-making of the village, no matter where they come from. Rights were based on residence, not ethnicity.
Once in power, the principle was subverted. Today, the NRM has elevated the principle of tribal homelands into a key principle of governance. It is now said that every tribe, in some parts of the country, even every clan, must have its own administrative homeland. Thus the multiplication of districts in Uganda over the last decade, giving rise to the demand that the population of every district be divided between those indigenous and those not, the former with rights and the rest without rights. If this practice of statecraft continues, with or without oil, Uganda will be another Nigeria.
Today, the political landscape in Uganda resembles that in Kenya more than it does the landscape in Tanzania.
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 3:27 AM
Thursday, July 14, 2011
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 9:31 PM
Wednesday, July 13, 2011
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 3:38 AM
Sunday, July 10, 2011
I am talking of secondary/high school students who have registered for Harvard Summer School program that kicked off last month. It is a chance of a lifetime to attend, albeit briefly, arguably the best university in the world. In fact to some, if not many, it is the only opportunity to do so.
Yet there are those who see this as a prelude to joining this prestigious institution as freshman/women in the coming year(s). You can bet that probably they have come to impress their would-be admission officers. Yes, for sure getting an A credit in Harvard is impressive.
One can only imagine the competition that these high school students, in their teens, have to endure to make it to the Ivy League. Of course this consortium of 8 highly prestigious US universities is rightly called so for leagues are all about competing. On this note let us take time to listen to Aissatou Barrie-Rose, aged 16, from St. Paul’s School who is taking a French course.
Aissatou will be entering her final year of high school this upcoming fall. As a child whose both parents graduated from Yale University, an Ivy League member, it is natural for her to dream (big) of a kind of college she wants to go to – of course this can make one can talk of class reproduction. At a glance her composure can even make one mistaken her for a Harvadian.
She is in fact performing very well in the fast-paced French class, blending easily with the experienced Harvard students. Sheer modesty remains Aissatou hallmark; “French will eventually come to us”, she encourages with an adage those struggling to learn a new language.
What Aissatou represents is a new generation of Americans, the likes of Barack Hussein Obama who, though born and bred in USA, have at least one parent/grandparent who is/was a relatively recent immigrant from Africa. When one ask whether they are continental or diasporic African, the American in them stares, puzzled, at you. Why should it matter when they are US citizens?
Talking of her future prospect Aissatou mentions Harvard as one of the universities she is thinking of joining after graduating from high school. To them there are three types of universities: (1) reach schools; (2) possible schools; (3) safety schools. Trying to get top ones is the challenge she has set upon herself whilst acknowledging the importance of ‘fall back’ ones.
Focus is something that also defines this would be university applicant. For a year she learned and mastered the Mandarin language in China which is also credited by her high school. From what Aissatou says one can sense that it is not by accident that she is learning yet another international language; after all her plan is to study Business and International Trade in college.
Come ‘Fall 2012’ when Freshmen/women enters the doors of higher learning institutions one wonders where all these high school students will be. Could it be that they will be re-entering the famed gate of ‘Harvard Yard’ engraved with these immortalized word: ‘Enter to Grow in Wisdom’? Chasing Ivy League’s American dream is indeed competitive but, yes, they can!
Posted by Chambi Chachage at 6:27 PM